The New Guard
Are these fresh faces the leaders who will make Hong Kong’s politics matter?
By Yannie Chan | Aug 28, 2014
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In the past the “radicals” of Hong Kong’s politics seemed to be more a part of the system than a force working against it, with the occasional hurled banana in Legco being the limits of political struggle. But in the last few years a new group has emerged—activists demanding more radical changes in Hong Kong society. Are these new faces the way out for Hong Kong’s stale, embattled politics?
The Sit-In King: Johnson Yeung Ching-yin, 22
As convener of the Civil Human Rights Front, Johnson Yeung Ching-yin organized this year's July 1 protest. Under his care, the protest was one of the more unusual: the front teamed up with student groups to stage an overnight sit-in protest on Chater Road. That night, 511 people were arrested, a record-breaking number in Hong Kong’s history of civil disobedience.
Position: “If I had to, I would consider myself on the radical spectrum of the pan-democrats.” Mission: “We’re focused on electoral reform for the 2017 Chief Executive election and we're fighting for public nomination.”
Rate your radicalism: “I’m not necessarily radical in terms of my actions. Some events are suited to a milder approach, while others call for more radical tactics. During the rally outside the Legislative Council against the funding approval of the Northeast New Territories New Town Development plan, I saw no problem with breaking into the building—Legco has lost its representativeness: they were passing the bill and immediate action was needed.”
Political manifesto: “It makes sense to categorize people’s ideologies according to their generation. The established politicians today have experienced the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre, and it explains their more cautious attitude with the Communist Party. My generation hardly remembers the 1997 Handover. We have little contact with Beijing and rarely visit China.
“The older generation might view the HK-China relationship as mutually beneficial, but for us, from the knocking down of the Star Ferry to the Anti-High Speed Rail Movement, we’ve only experienced the bad influence Beijing has on Hong Kong. Many from our generation will never afford an apartment and feel hopeless, and so we want faster changes. That’s why we’re less willing to compromise—because our experience is that Beijing has never compromised.
“Our strategy may sometimes miss the mark, but our distance from Beijing allows us to think outside the box and break from the routine of negotiating with Beijing, which hasn’t been working at all.”
Why the sit-in? “Some were concerned the Chater Road sit-in could further provoke Beijing. But we needed to act in order to prove that a sit-down could potentially work. Now that we’ve done it, we find that the public is more accepting of civil disobedience, and we’ve even gained support from the middle class.”
The Chater Road sit-down on July 2. Photo: Dickson Lee/SCMP
511 people were arrested. Photo: David Wong/SCMP
Misconceptions: “I’d be happy to negotiate if there was a middle ground. Who would want to occupy Central and be arrested if they could avoid it? You think spending dozens of hours in the police station after the Chater Road sit-in was fun? But there’s no common ground between the pan-democrats and Beijing—we want an election with a reasonable amount of competition, but Beijing is concerned about the screening process and foreign infiltration. Where’s the common ground?”
Radical problems: “There has been a ‘gentrification’ of student movements. We haven’t found the right tool to communicate our beliefs to the previous generations. “Long Hair” Leung Kwok-hung, for example, backs his actions with ideologies and he can express them in layman’s terms. We talk about ‘equality’—what exactly is ‘equality’? We reach people on social media, but not the wider population.”
The way out: “Long Hair has carried coffins on the July 1 protests for over 10 years. We have protested enough. [Civil disobedience] could be our breakthrough. The pragmatic faction aims to keep Beijing out of Hong Kong, so that Hongkongers can decide the fate of the city. Some are more optimistic and want to democratize China as well. I’m a mix between the two.”
Know Your Radicals
What does the term even mean? Here how it's been used in Hong Kong's politics.
Trend Watch: The New Radicals
Is Hong Kong becoming more radical? Clickhere to find out.
The Student Voice: Alex Chow Yong-kang, 23
Alex Chow Yong-kang is the secretary-general of the Hong Kong Federation of Students. Together with Joshua Wong of student group Scholarism, he initiated the July 1 Chater Road sit-in. Chow and Wong also put forward the electoral reform proposal which garnered the highest number of votes in Occupy Central’s civil referendum in June. He shares a Chinese name with disgraced Communist Party leader Zhou Yongkang.
Position: “I am a radical, which to me means holding values different from established ones.”
Mission: “I want fundamental changes: fixing the uneven distribution of resources, revamping the tax system and improving welfare, which I believe can encourage creativity and innovation. For now, we're fighting to let the public nominate candidates in the 2017 Chief Executive election.”
Rate your radicalism: “I understand we’re seen as more and more radical, but that’s because we feel increasingly oppressed by society and the government. The most radical belief I have is to let Hongkongers have the right to self-determination: from water supply management to new town development. That could involve an amendment to the constitution in the future.”
Political manifesto: “I got involved in politics because I realized how much of our civil society has been lost to Beijing. Beijing is a giant, and why would it give you democracy? Only if it costs more not to. Civil disobedience could be a necessary action. “
Occupy’s limitations: “We don’t necessarily agree with Occupy Central about the timeline [leading to the occupation]. They think of the occupation as a nuclear bomb. But it will produce little change if they do it after most electoral reform details are finalized. We will continue to organize different activities throughout: possibly a student strike after school resumes.”
Why the sit-in? “We can’t tell if it was the right move in the long run, but following the sit-down, participants posted stories online, and it was very touching. To know there is a group of people willing to stand up really helps.”
The way out? “I’m aware of how weak our side is. But we’ll take up the challenge to try and find a way out: this fight is for our integrity.”
Alex Chow on a radio show. Photo: Dickson Lee/SCMP
The "Goddess" of Scholarism: Agnes Chow Ting, 17
Scholarism began a new era in Hong Kong politics by introducing us to high-schoolers as eloquent, capable political figures. Originally formed to fight against introducing national education in schools, the movement has since branched out. Agnes Chow Ting is a core member and spokesperson of the student group, responsible for the strategic planning of the group’s fight for civil nomination.
Position: “We have ideals and we don’t have baggage. If students don’t talk about ideals, who will?”
Mission: “We’re currently focused on the public nomination movement ahead of the 2017 Chief Executive election. We want Hongkongers to have real power. In the long term, I want to see Hong Kong become more equal in its distribution of resources.”
Rate your radicalism: “We didn’t really want the recent ‘radicalization’ of activities, but we’ve worked on promoting the idea of public nomination since last year, and the government is still unwilling to properly address our concerns. Only then did we decide on civil disobedience.”
Political manifesto: “Negotiation alone won’t create any change and we’ll be taking on activities involving the principles of civil disobedience. We believe in non-violence—never hurt anybody in the process.
“Before the anti-national education movement, I wasn’t interested in politics at all. I decided to take a look at the government’s plan for the national education curriculum, and it was so problematic. I took an active role in Scholarism and the fight for public nomination is the first real social movement I have actively organized.”
Modern politics: “Without Facebook, Scholarism wouldn't exist. Back when Scholarism first started, no political organization took Facebook seriously. But that’s how we mobilized people—we found that it’s a much more direct communication tool."
Misconceptions: “I’m one of the few women involved in the social movement, and people call me ‘BB’ and ‘goddess.’ It’s not exactly a misconception, but I’ve said many times that I don’t like it. People private message me, saying something like, 'I really like you, please add me,' several times a day. I want people to focus on the issues and not on me.”
THE GRASSROOTS RADICAL: CHO KAI-KAI, 25
Cho Kai-kai is a different breed of radical. She is a spokesperson for the League of Fanling North Villages and Residents, a group against the Northeast New Territories New Town Development plans—that even broke into Legco in protest. She’s also the co-founder of the Mapopo Community Farm in Fanling, which practices organic farming and offers eco-tours and workshops. Cho says that sustainability and healthy lifestyles are crucial to changing Hong Kong politics.
Position: “Many define ‘radicals’ based on their actions, but I’m a radical in terms of the social changes that I demand. Some politicians are radical in their behavior, but when it comes to the tax system and agriculture policy, they don’t propose any changes.”
Mission: “I propose an alternative lifestyle. It’s about using fewer plastic bags and caring about sustainability. They may sound like silly changes, but that’s an important switch in your perception.”
Political manifesto: “I want to go beyond politics and ask for radical changes in everyday lives. Universal suffrage is important, but if Hong Kong keeps on with this development-led mindset, even if we can elect our own Chief Executive, he’ll still operate under the same values. Build more malls! Develop the rural area! We need to change people's minds to promote a sustainable lifestyle.”
What we do: “At Mapopo, we promote our beliefs through guided tours, 30 people at a time for three hours. We also hold baking and DIY workshops. It may be slow, but it reaches out to the people around you. We’re not about developing fewer malls or lowering the development density—we hope to change the way people want to live. Sometimes I see people who went to one of our tours attending other rallies and protests, and I really feel that though this is a gradual process, changes are happening.”
Protest against new town development outside of Legco. Photo: David Wong/SCMP
Why Occupy Legco? “The villages have been bullied by developers for over 18 years. When I moved into Ma Shi Po village in 2009, a lot of people had been forced away. We asked the government for help and we went to legislators. We held regular protests and carnivals. We attended consultation meetings: more than 6,000 people showed up to oppose the plan. The government wouldn’t respond, let alone compromise. What were we supposed to do?
“Legco was about to pass the bill, and people decided to break in. They called for a recess: that was an immediate effect, though they still passed it in another meeting."
Misconceptions: “At Occupy Legco I noticed how rational people are. When we broke in and the meeting was halted, the crowd was relieved. Many encouraged us to sit down and stay calm. Only a few scolded us for not being radical enough.”
The way out? “Many think that all of this is futile. So what happens if the New Town Development plan goes ahead? Will the universe explode? No, obviously not. But we’re building a civil society and encouraging people to speak up."
The Campaigning Journalist: Chu Hoi-Dick, 36
Chu Hoi-dick was at the Queen’s Pier protests in 2007 and rallied against the demolition of Choi Yuen Tsuen village due to the construction of the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link in 2009. In 2011 he decided to help residents and landlords engage in community issues, particularly the land rights debate, by founding the Pat Heung Kam Tin District Post, a local paper for Yuen Long. With his grassroots approach, he might just stand a chance of revolutionizing the city’s rural land use.
Position: “Sometimes what I do is considered moderate, and sometimes radical. I like to reserve a degree of flexibility. I am ready to occupy Central and be arrested; but I’m also happy to work with officials on other issues.” Mission: “You can demand land reform to redistribute land to farmers, but I wouldn’t do this because it’s as unreachable as the moon, and no one would understand what you’re saying, especially landowners. I hope to engage in local politics and increase farmland by working with different stakeholders.”
Chu protesting against the demolition of the Queen's Pier. Photo: Martin Chan/SCMP
Rate your radicalism: “I’m not asking for very radical changes. Something new I’m doing is to go into the community and get to know all the landlords, rather than stereotyping them as greedy. We’re starting from scratch—no one has done this before. Society is complex, so I'm working to slowly grow my political powers: but does that mean I’m a moderate? I don’t think so.”
Political manifesto: “We wanted to engage in rural politics and encourage better discussion among the community. Politics is about negotiation and persuasion. You can’t ignore those who disagree with you. And you can’t introduce changes by imagining a world without landowners.”
What we do: “The District Post publishes about 7,000 copies once a month. We’re on our 24th issue and it’s become a habit for some villagers to read it. I’m proud that some of the rural committee offices stock our newspaper, because that’s where our political enemies are. I’m not here to make things worse for the indigenous villagers: half of our interests are different, the other half overlap."
Getting radical: “In certain cases, there are few choices but to employ more confrontational protest tactics. If this was the 70s, you could write a piece in the SCMP and have dinner with some government officials and the problem would be solved. We all believe in the principle of non-violence, but depending on your goal, the bottom line might stray a little.”
Radical problems: “In Hong Kong, the opponent we’re up against is too powerful. In a normal civil society, the anti-High Speed Railway movement would have stopped the proposal or brought around some changes, but that did not happen in Hong Kong. We have to understand that we could lose everything and that we’re at a major disadvantage. That way, we can work out our next step.”
The way out: “I’ve long mixed ideals and reality together. I hope Hong Kong will have a base for more mature discussion, and that power will slowly trickle down. The fun thing about politics is that if you’re willing to devote yourself, your hard work could change the path of history.”
THE RADICAL'S RADICAL: WONG YEUNG-TAT, 35
Civic Passion founder Wong Yeung-tat is an outspoken activist against the Communist Party. He recently crashed the anti-Occupy protest and led the controversial Legislative Council break-in in June. A champion of local culture, Wong founded and edits online culture magazine Passion Times. In the age of the “peaceful and nonviolent” attitude advocated by Occupy Central, Wong argues that more radical behavior still has its place.
Position: “The rather extreme radical end of the pan-democrats.”
Mission: “To promote democracy and resist the Communist Party and its culture from infiltrating Hong Kong. We fight for civil rights and universal suffrage for Hongkongers. We also strive to preserve aspects of our culture, such as traditional Chinese characters.”
Rate your radicalism: “In different situations, I would use different tactics: from radical means to engaging more in rational discussions. If needed, I don’t think physical confrontation is at all radical. It’s just that past protest activities have been thoughtless.”
Political manifesto: “The Communist Party is an authoritarian regime and I imagine hardly anyone would agree with it. We can’t take it down, but we would like to protect local culture from it. We also established an online media platform, Passion Times, to promote local culture.
“One issue we’re working on is the Equal Opportunities Commission proposing to include covering people of the same race under the discrimination ordinance. We want to address the source of the HK-China conflict: it’s not about discrimination, but rather an uneven distribution of resources that leads to discontent on our side. A revised discrimination law won’t fix things. This needs a more rational and mature public debate, but unfortunately, to get media coverage, I still had to yell and insult a government official.”
The Legco break-in against new town development in June. Photo: Felix Wong/SCMP
How we do it: “Compared to several years ago, the amount of physical confrontation has significantly lowered. For example, during the rally at the Legislative Council against the new town development, most people asked me to calm down. I still think sometimes we need to resort to more radical actions to achieve the intended results.
“When I’m yelling and hurling insults, I’m more cautious than usual, because it’s important not to go overboard. I also never insult pro-Beijing groups—they are not the root of the problem—I only target CY Leung and government officials.”
Misconceptions: “In private, I’m a quiet person. My full-time job is a writer, meaning I don’t always have to confront or convince other people. I do feel like I’m stretching myself a little bit when I’m my political self.”
THE PRO-BEIJING PROTESTER: PATRICK KO TAT-BUN, 60S
In 2012 Hong Kong saw the emergence of a pro-government movement. Patrick Ko, a former student leader and now businessman, returned to the political scene to resist rising hatred against the Chinese government. He established the Voice of Loving Hong Kong, hoping to resolve the anger of anti-government protests through his own actions—most notably a pro-government carnival on July 1, 2013. His group was last seen at the anti-Occupy protest.
Position: “I’m a natural patriot. I want this group to consist of people who love Hong Kong."
Mission: “We want stability and prosperity for Hong Kong, without any internal conflict.”
Rate your radicalism: “When the situation calls for more radical actions, we’ll do it. When it calls for rational discussion, we’ll do that. We will always aim to use sense and persuasion to convince others."
Political manifesto: “In the past 17 years, the HKSAR government has been very weak. The anti-China faction in Hong Kong has been taking advantage of concepts such as democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech to trick people and get youngsters to believe in them. This has worsened the relationship between Hong Kong and China. The Communist Party is portrayed like a monster, giving the impression that China is unreasonable, backward and lacking human rights.
“There’s nothing wrong with being rebellious, but it has to be sensible. Occupy Central implies invasion: It would disrupt traffic and also go against the law.
“Look at the anti-national education movement. They appear to be led by students, but there is a bigger force behind them. Do students have the power to mobilize so many people? Where did they get the audio equipment? Where did the money come from? They must have had help. We know the wicked tricks of foreign powers, and I can’t stand it anymore. People need to stop making unreasonable demands like asking CY Leung to quit.”
How we do it: “We organize carnivals, protests and rallies. We have no funding and having established ourselves as a bold voice for our citizens, we think that’s a great success.”
The Voice of Loving Hong Kong's pro-government carnival. Photo: K.Y. Cheng/SCMP
Misconceptions: “Any speeches we make in support of the SAR and Beijing governments are immediately condemned by the pan-democrats. That's not democracy. The pan-democrats are only qualified to talk about democracy if we can be in the same room and discuss our differences.”
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