Beijing presses pause on Hong Kong’s democratic future
OVERVIEW
After Beijing announced plans to tightly control Hong Kong’s 2017 elections, more than 5,000 protestors gathered in Hong Kong’s Tamar Park to christen an “era of civil disobedience.” Adam McCauley reports from the heart of Hong Kong’s growing (and changing) pro-democracy movement.
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More than 16 years ago, FB* sat with his wife on a squat wooden bench on Hong Kong’s waterfront. Huddled under umbrellas, the couple watched the British Union Jack slip down the flagpole outside the Central Government offices. Back then, with thousands in attendance, FB remembers his anxiety as the Chinese flag was raised in its place. “I didn’t trust the mainland government at that time,” he remembers.
On Sunday, mere feet from where that bench once stood, FB joined more than 5,000 protestors in Hong Kong’s Tamar Park to express anger and frustration towards Beijing decision to screen, and essentially select, candidates for Hong Kong’s chief executive position in the 2017 elections.
“This time we must do something special,” FB said, gesturing towards the large crowd, as they weathered the late-summer rains. “These people are prepared to be sent to jail to demand true democracy.”
Hong Kong residents listen to a night of speeches in Tamar Park, as civil action leaders pledge an “era of disobedience” to protest Beijing’s growing political influence. (Photo: Adam McCauley)
The protest, organized by the non-violent direct action movement, Occupy Central, was planned in anticipation of Sunday afternoon’s statement from China’s Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. In the released text, Chinese officials defended the use of electoral selection committees —the death knell for Hong Kong’s hopes for universal suffrage— as means of safeguarding the region’s prosperity and stability.
“The chief executive must be a person who loves the country and loves Hong Kong,” the statement read. “It is … stipulated in the Basic Law, and called for by the actual need to maintain long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong [and] uphold the sovereignty, security and development interests of the country.”
The statement also cautioned supporters of Occupy Central, and various pro-democracy groups and activists in Hong Kong.
“There is still a small number of people in the Hong Kong community who do not properly understand … or acknowledge the central government’s power over Hong Kong… [and] have even raised views that are contrary to the Basic Law and openly advocated illegal activities,” it read.
These “illegal activities,” critics said, have become increasingly necessary as the gap between Beijing and Hong Kong political circles continues to narrow.
Protestors hold cell phones over their heads in show of support. “Let the lights, like the candles, represent the conscience of Hong Kong people.” (Photo: Adam McCauley)
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At 59, however, FB said many of his friends and colleagues are hesitant to take to the streets to voice their opposition. While a majority are outraged by Beijing’s actions, many are hesitant to upset the balance that Hong Kong enjoys. “Most of them just want to have a good life, so they don’t talk about politics.”
Beijing understands the seduction of stability, and has argued that the decision in favor of electoral controls is founded on the preservation of order —the desire to ensure “business as usual.”
Speaking at Hong Kong’s Foreign Correspondents Club last Friday, Wang Zhenmin, dean of the law school at Tsinghua University in Beijing and advisor to the central government on Hong Kong issues,said that Hong Kong’s right to directly elect a candidate would threaten economic and political stability.
“A political system by its nature reflects and embodies the economic structure of said particular place. Universal suffrage means the redistribution of economic interests among society’s members,” Wang said. “We have to take care of every class. Every group of people. Every person. Rich or poor. No one should be ignored.”
But the 5,000 protestors who flocked to Hong Kong’s Tamar Park, and more than 700,000 who voted in favor of universal suffrage last spring, feel exactly that: ignored.
Photographers peer over the backdrop of the stage as Sunday’s protest kicked off media frenzy, with local and international publications seeking to capture the first of many protests staged by Occupy Central this autumn. (Photo: Adam McCauley)
“I was disappointed and angry with [Beijing’s] decision,” said William Chu, a 20-year-old nursing student at Tung Wah College. “I’m here to to show that I don’t agree with our government. Our generation wants more democracy in Hong Kong.”
For people like William, Occupy Central, and its founder Benny Tai, an associate professor at the University of Hong Kong, has given voice to the growing malaise among those eager for a democratic Hong Kong. In an interview with AFP, Democratic Party chairwoman Emily Lau Wai-hing described this sentiment: “This is one person, one vote, but there is no choice. They have that in North Korea but you can’t call it democracy.”
At Sunday’s gathering, activists sought to christen a new era of civil disobedience, with activities ranging from boycotting classes to “wave after wave” of protests. These actions are intended to pressure either Hong Kong’s government to take action, or Beijing’s government to back down.
When I asked FB whether he thought protests would steward political change, he said it was doubtful, but added an important caveat: “If someone puts a knife to your chest, wouldn’t you try and fight back?”
*Abbreviation used to protect identity.
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Adam uses Beacon to tell stories about security issues in West and Central Africa. He’ll dig deep into questions ranging from maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea to the demographics of extremists groups in Mali, Chad, Central African Republic and Nigeria. While conflict and security are the major themes of his work, he’s interested in how individuals and communities cope with threats. **Currently based in Hong Kong, Adam will intermittently cover stories from South/Southeast Asia.
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